共识网

各位读者朋友：

　　《领导者》杂志总第40期于2011年6月30日出版，并于2011年7月初开始寄给各位订户，请各位订户朋友近日注意查收。共识网将选择该期杂志部分文章在网站发布，请朋友们关注。

　　附：《领导者》杂志总第40期中英文目录：

　　·观察·

　　全球事务

　　11 岳健勇 中国模式的神话——市场列宁主义与全球资本主义的联姻

　　27 Bonnie Glaser（美国） 变化中的均衡——中国对美国实力的评估

　　35 Gary Clyde Hufbauer（美国）   Jared C. Woollacott（美国） 中美之间的贸易争端：摩擦日益加剧，未来更糟？

　　57 沈旭晖 刘鹏 三个地区对全球恐怖主义的印象

　　67 司马晋 生产建设兵团在新疆融入中国过程中的作用

　　转型

　　74 陈弘毅 香港及台湾地区的政治和宪政改革:比较与反思

　　焦点

　　94 刘澎 家庭教会：问题与解决方案

　　108  违规，还是违宪？——宗教事务管理的法治化讨论

　　·智慧·

　　120 萧冬连 1988年“价格闯关”的前因后果

　　131 丙丁 民盟为挽救政协成果奔走和谈（下）

　　153 顾训中 文贯中  访谈文贯中（上）

　　来信讨论

　　164 马戎 深层面剖析历史，理性走出历史事件的阴影

　　172 高王凌 评说“发展组”

　　书评

　　178 王海光 道可道——试析杨奎松《“中间地带”的革命》的理路（下）

　　·格调·

　　188  黑白时代的影像记录者

　　Content of Issue 40 of the Magazine Leaders

　　Observation

　　Global Affairs

　　11 The Myth of "China Model": the Alliance of Market-Leninism and Global Capitalism

　　27 A Shifting Balance:Chinese Assessments of U.S. Power

　　35 Trade Disputes Between China and the United States: Growing Pains So Far, Worse Ahead?

　　57 Developing Local Faces to Global Terrorism in Three Different Regions: Chinese Students' Comparative Perception of ETIM and Terrorism

　　67 The Role of the Bingtuan in the Integration of Xinjiang into China

　　Transition

　　74 The Political and Constitutional Reforms in Hong Kong and Taiwan: Comparison and Reflection

　　Focus

　　94 House Church: Problems and Solutions

　　108 A Seminar on Rule of Law regarding Religious Affairs

　　Wisdom

　　120 The Causes and Effects of China's Radical Price Reform in 1988

　　131 China Democratic League Campaigned Hard to Save the Peace (Ⅱ)

　　153 Interview with Wen Guanzhong (Ⅰ)

　　Letters

　　164 How to Rationally Comment Historical Events while Avoiding Negative Effects

　　172 A Famous Non-governmental Workshop on China's Rural Development in 1970s - 1990s

　　Book Review

　　178 Review on The Revolution in Intermediate Zone (Ⅱ)

　　Summary of Issue 40 of the Magazine Leaders

　　The Myth of "China Model": the Alliance of Market-Leninism and Global Capitalism

　　The sustained rapid economic growth laid down the foundation of China's rise. But development is more than economic growth. It involves reduction of poverty and catch-up. Deep integration into the global economy enabled China's economic "success" merely in growth terms but blocked its industrialization, thereby set China on a dependent path of development characterized by a "technologyless industrialization". The "peaceful rise" rhetoric precisely reveals China's deepening dependence on the U.S.-dominated international system, whereby its intentions to sustain the current model of development in globalization. The paradox is, though China has neither the intention nor the capacity to challenge the order of the international system and does hope to seek a peaceful rise within the global capitalist system, the export-driven growth at the expense of labor rights and China's autonomous development is getting increasingly difficult to sustain due to the constraints of markets and resources. This will heighten tensions and even increase the likelihood of conflicts between China and the West, which will in turn be destabilizing to the international system. In this sense, the Chinese model, which is the interactive product of market Leninism and global capitalism, is by no means successful, and the "peaceful rise" is nothing but an illusion.

　　A Shifting Balance: Chinese Assessments of U.S. Power

　　Without a trade and investment strategy that draws Asian countries to the United States, this trend can only continue. It may be difficult to command U.S. domestic political support for liberalizing trade policies, but without these policies U.S. primacy in Asia is in serious question. The United States should develop a comprehensive interagency trade and investment strategy and policy for the Asia-Pacific region. This will not only benefit U.S. exporters and investors, but will also strengthen relationships with other Asian states that want to trade with the United States, including China. Such relationships will serve to develop greater comity and deepen interdependence in the region. Ratifying the U.S.-Korea Free Trade Agreement, imbuing the Trans-Pacific Partnership process with genuine political capital, and completing the Trade and Investment Framework Agreement with Taiwan are three concrete steps the United States could take to enhance its position in the region over the next five years.

　　Developing Local Faces to Global Terrorism in Three Different Regions

　　Anti-hegemonism has been a slogan used by Beijing for decades, while hegemonism has long been described in most Chinese textbooks as China's major external threat. In other words, the recent official demonization of separatist groups like the ETIM as terrorists has not yet offset the previous demonization of hegemonic powers in the minds of most Chinese. It is prudent to suggest that if a hegemonic power poses a real visual challenge to Beijing in the foreseeable future, such as in an event like the Belgrade Embassy Bombing of 1999, most Chinese people would no longer see the ETIM as a serious threat and might even start to cast doubts about Beijing's recent propaganda tactics of giving a domestic face to global terrorism.